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| Reports on the Orissa Situation from Outlook India |
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Magazine| Oct 27, 2008
 opinion
 I, The Convert
 My conversion was not a change of religion; it was a change of heart
 ANAND MAHADEVAN |
I was born a Brahmin and am the grandson of a priest whom I dearly loved. I am educated and my current professional standing indicates that I am reasonably intelligent. I am also affluent and my income would put me distinctly in the upper middle class bracket. I guess that would make me high-caste, rich and smart. In other words, I am not a tribal, or poor or dim-witted. And yet, I chose to become a follower of Jesus Christ.
The world would call me a convert to Christianity. I have no problems with that, though I see my faith more as a relationship with God through Jesus Christ than as a religion. And for the record, I can truthfully claim that no one financially induced or threatened or deceived me into converting to Christianity.
I am fiercely proud of my national identity as an Indian and I am completely at peace with my cultural identity as a Hindu. I retain the name my parents gave me. My wife, who also shares my faith, continues to go by her Hindu name. We have two children and we have given both distinctly Hindu names. In fact, many of my colleagues and acquaintances who may happen to read this column are likely to be surprised. They have no inkling about my faith, for I generally don't go about announcing it. But if someone does ask me the reason behind the joy and hope that is everpresent in my life, I am always delighted to share it with them.
I write this piece to make one point—that my conversion was not a change of religion but a change of heart. To explain this, I need to go back to my childhood in Chennai, similar to that of so many other Tamil Brahmin boys like me. My grandfather, every bit the virtuous priest, had enormous influence over me. I absolutely adored him and as a toddler, always clung to him. He too loved me to a fault. There was no wish of mine that he would not rush to fulfil. But even in my early, formative years I was unable to relate to the religion he fervently practiced. Later, in my school days, I once spent my summer holidays with him in Trichy. Memories of dawn walks with him, for the ritualistic dip in the Cauvery river, cow in tow, are still fresh in my memory. I learnt many shlokas, some of which I still remember. But I never understood any of it and none of it helped me connect with God.
When I was 19, a Christian friend with whom I used to play cricket invited me to his house for prayer. If he had invited me to a pub, or party, I would have gone too. At his home, he and his sister prayed for me. It was a simple yet delightful conversation with God that lasted all of five minutes. I don't remember it verbatim, but they articulated a prayer of blessing on my life, future, career and family. It was a simple affair—no miracles, no angels visiting. All they did was utter a deep human cry out to the creator God and His only son Jesus Christ. When they said Amen, I felt in my heart a desire to follow Jesus.
It was a faith encounter with God that I shall not even attempt to understand, rationalise or explain. I simply accept it. It is my faith. It is what I choose to believe. That evening I did not change my religion, for in reality I had none. Hinduism was my identity, not my religion. It still is.
The Christianity I acquired that evening is not a religion. On the contrary, it is an intensely intimate relationship with Jesus. Over the past fifteen years, I have come to know this Jesus even closer. I know Him as the pure and sinless Son of a Holy God. And I know Him as a dear friend to whom I pray and talk to every day—about my career, my dreams, successes, failures, finances and even my sexuality.
If I read a good book, watch a good movie (Rock On is terrific, mate), or eat a good meal at a new restaurant, I would naturally tell my friends about it.In Jesus, I have discovered a truly amazing friend, guide, leader, saviour and God. How can I not tell all my friends about Him? And if anyone does listen and he too comes to believe in Jesus, I am delighted. The world would call it a conversion; I call it a change of heart, like mine.
But I would never force anyone to listen to me, leave alone financially induce, coerce or con him into believing. That to me is pointless and against the very grain of my faith. But I do have a constitutional right to practice my faith and to preach it without deception, force or bribery. It pains to see such basic rights of mankind being cruelly violated every day in this great Hindu nation.
God bless India.
(Anand Mahadevan is the editor of Outlook Business.) | |
magazine | Oct 27, 2008 Hounds And The Flock
With the parivar unrepentant, will peace or the refugees ever return to Kandhamal?
"Conversion is a complex and emotionally charged issue. Fundamentalists exploit it, liberals complicate it, many do not comprehend what the fuss is about, and others shy away from getting involved." —Jesuit sociologist Rudolf C. Heredia in Changing Gods: Rethinking Conversion in India Kandhamal, with its forested hills, sparkling rivulets and riot of wild flowers, is heart-achingly beautiful. The road that winds its way from Kalingaghat to the district headquarters at Phulbani must rate as one of the most scenic routes I have taken. But who controls all this untamed beauty?
Not the state, certainly not Orissa chief minister Naveen Patnaik's BJD-BJP government. "Like many other tribal areas in the country, it has been left largely unadministered, with even mainstream political parties conceding space to a set of non-political actors," says a civil servant based in Bhubaneshwar.
In this largely tribal district, it is a volatile mix of Christian missionaries, Sangh parivar activists (who include not just VHP, Bajrang Dal and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram members, but also the increasing number of petty traders and businessmen who have come from outside the district) and Maoists which is battling for the hearts and minds of the people.
The Christian missionaries arrived first, in the 1920s, providing the district with some of the facilities the state did not: health and education. Then came the Sangh parivar, more than 30 years ago, to win back from the 'clutches' of Christianity all those on the margins of the great Hindu parivar. And last came the Maoists looking for recruits among the still largely deprived and neglected people of a district, whose pristine beauty has not yet been marred by industry, no, not even by a railway line.
The State makes a token appearance in Kandhamal: for instance, policing this district of 7.4 lakh are 500 policemen stationed at 13-odd police stations. After the Maoists raided a police training school in neighbouring Nayagarh district in February this year, the guns were locked up in the armouries. Now policemen rely only on the baton. This, despite the gradual build-up of Sangh muscle power in the district, demonstrated in the violence during the Christmas week of December 2007.
It was against this backdrop that Sangh fury erupted in all its virulence following the murder of Laxmanananda Saraswati, the controversial swami whom the VHP regarded as one of its marg darshaks, on August 23. VHP and Bajrang Dal activists spurred on the tribals (among whom the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram has been working) to cut a bloody swathe across the district. As the swami's funeral procession, led by VHP leader Praveen Togadia, covered the 150 km between Jalaspeta, where he died, and Chakapada, where he was interred, homes of Christians were torched and churches vandalised. Over 22,000 of the 1.17 lakh Christians in the district fled to relief camps. "Had we tried to stop it, it would've been even more violent," says a district official when asked why the procession was permitted. "There would have been more deaths."
The unabated violence that continued for close to 50 days has not only cemented the faultlines between Kandhamal's two major communities—the Kandhas and the Panos—but also turned the spotlight on the deeply contested question of conversions and reconversions. The largely Hindu Kandhas are tribals, accounting for 52 per cent of the population, while the largely Christian Panos are scheduled castes, making up 17 per cent.
Sangh spokesmen have accused the church of sponsoring the swami's killing.Christian missionaries, they say, saw his aggressive campaign to reconvert Christians and ban cow slaughter (both Kandhas and Panos were traditional beef-eaters) as an obstacle. Emboldened by the BJP's presence in the state government, the saffron brotherhood has gone on the offensive in response.
The impact of this is visible even at the government-sponsored relief camps, never mind the almost abandoned villages. In the Raikia camp—certainly the worst-run of the camps I visited—agitated inmates allege that the block development officer is an RSS man. "The pastors aren't allowed into the camps," says Sajib Naik, an inmate, "but on the pretext of setting up a peace committee, the BDO allowed RSS, Bajrang Dal and Vanika Sangha (an RSS-sponsored businessmen's association) members to come into the camp. We surrounded them as these are the people who burnt our homes. The CRPF eventually had to throw them out."
Of course, it suits the Sangh—with the government's backing—to suggest that the current rift between the two communities has nothing to do with its activities. Instead, it demonises all Panos as forcible occupiers of tribal land and users of false caste certificates for jobs (SCs who convert to Christianity are not entitled to reservation unlike their ST counterparts). While there is certainly some merit in these accusations, the fact is that instead of working to heal the rupture, the Sangh has actively worked to widen the rift.
 Fear keeps people at camps awake at night At the relief camp in G. Udaygiri, Runima Digal clutches the folds of her purple nylon sari convulsively. On August 25, two days after the swami's murder, she, her husband Ishwar Digal and four children had fled from their village Gutingiamallipora. They came to the camp carrying nothing except the clothes on their backs.
Less than a month later, on September 20, Ishwar received a message from his village that his father was seriously ill. Anxious, he rushed home, accompanied by his wife and one child. There, Runima recalls, four local RSS activists told him that if he had plans to return to the village permanently, he had better "reconvert" to Hinduism or face death. Scared to spend the night in the village, the Digals decided it would be safer to return to the camp under cover of darkness. As they took a shortcut through the jungle, some men emerged from the shadows—one of whom Runima recognised—and hacked her husband to death before her eyes. Grabbing her child, she ran to get help, but by the time she returned with the CRPF, it was too late. There were only bloodstains to mark the spot where her husband had been killed. His body had been removed.
Runima's story, with some variations, is repeated at all the relief camps I visit—in Tikabali, G. Udaygiri and Raikia. The Christian refugees—a majority of whom are Panos while a few are Kandhas—are all scared to return to their villages. (Even the sarpanch of the Kurtamagada gram panchayat in Tumribandha, Shrish Malik, could not escape the wrath of the saffron hordes even though he is a Kandha and is in the BJD. His sin? He's a Christian.) They have all been told they can return "in peace"—but only if they return to the Hindu fold. If God couldn't save someone named Ishwar, what can others hope for? Especially as the parivar can't understand what the fuss is about. "There are 8.5 lakh Christians in Orissa: only 20,000-odd are in camps," says Dr Lakshmidhar Das of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram. "Why are we being given a bad name for such a small number?"
Most have already lost everything, their homes—at least 4,455 homes have been razed to the ground—reduced to charred shells, their churches ransacked, their hard-earned worldly goods looted or destroyed, their grains burnt and their goats scattered.The manner in which the houses have been targeted show prior knowledge: as in Gujarat, only the homes of the minorities have been torched.
For instance, in Beheragam, eight or nine km from the Chakapada Ashram where the swami was interred, the home of Padmacharan Digal, a retired JCO, along with 40-odd others, were singled out on September 24. "Nearly 1,500 people came, shouting 'Jai Shri Ram' and 'Jai Bajrang'," recalls Padmacharan. "Our neighbours pointed out our homes. With my army savings and pension, I had bought a fridge and TV. It's all gone now." An acrid smell greets us as we visit the charred remains of what was the ex-JCO's home. Only a heap of half-eaten corn cobs strewn across the floor have survived. Padmacharan and his family now all live in the Tikabali camp. Every morning he and others make the pilgrimage back to the village, walking past a ransacked church, a large broken red cross placed artistically on the rubble, looking for some signs of hope.
 Branded! Some put 'Oms' outside houses At the Chakapada Ashram, Saroj Kumar Das, who performed the last rites for the swami, and doubles as a Sanskrit teacher at the BD High School, looks like an unlikely spewer of venom. Dressed neatly in trousers and shirt, he sits cross-legged in the ashram's pillared prayer hall dominated by a portrait of the swami. "Only Hindus love Bharat mata; Christians and Muslims together create riots," he tells me matter-of-factly. "They are traitors. They killed Swamiji, not the Maoists—that's just a cover by the government. Do you know in Daringbadi (a block in the district), they raise the Italian flag on Independence Day? If any Hindu says anything to them, they tell them we will tell Madam (Sonia Gandhi)." What about the rape of the nun? "Can a nun be raped?" he asks, his tone now aggressive. "She is supposed to have said that she was raped in front of 10 policemen. That's not part of Hindu sanskriti. It can only happen in ekant here, not like in the West."
As this man of god expands on this theme, one wonders how CM Patnaik hopes to return the district to peace. This is no longer just a law-and-order problem. Perhaps it's time to pay attention to voices such as that of Jesuit sociologist Rudolf Heredia, who calls for "religious disarmament" and suggests that it is time to acknowledge that while religious commitment is essentially a matter of personal conscience and choice, it also impacts other levels of individual and social life. |
magazine | Oct 27, 2008 Reluctant Omcoming
Fear, practically made this village reconvert to Hinduism
Saberipata, a cluster of 25 Panos homes, not far from Phulbani, was once entirely Christian. Villagers had converted to Christianity over the last decade, impressed by Vishwa Vani, a Christian radio programme, broadcast from Kerala, which spoke of "satya, shanti, daya, prem and kshama (truth, peace, compassion, love and forgiveness)". "The Bible's teachings sounded good," says Mamata Digal, daughter of village patriarch Sugrib Digal, "so we all converted. Vishwa Vani built a prayer hall; we went there every Sunday."
But in December 2007, when Sangh parivar activists torched churches and homes in Kandhamal, Saberipata's fearful villagers got the message. "We had become Christians because Hinduism never accepted us; besides, the rituals were unaffordable," Ranchana Digal recalls, "but now it was a question of our lives."
So that month, the entire village—all but three families—assembled in the village's sacred grove, and reconverted to Hinduism. The villagers said they wanted to reconvert before they were compelled to do so. They didn't want to be forced to tonsure their heads, drink cow urine, contribute a goat for sacrifice and insult the Bible. "We still believe Christianity is good," says Sanjawati Digal, "but we need to be practical." The three families that did not reconvert are now living in a relief camp.
But while fear was the trigger for the "self" reconversions, there were subsidiary reasons: loss of SC status meant they lost reservation benefits. And then there were the unfulfilled promises of Vishwa Vani, clearly not an established church. Its representatives had taken pictures of the converts, reportedly sent them to their head office in Kerala, promising a monthly stipend—which never came.
The situation in Kandhamal is more complex than it seems. For the established church, the proliferation of fraudulent Christian churches is embarrassing, and providing fodder for the Sangh parivar. |
magazine | Oct 27, 2008 'I'm Not Under Pressure From The BJP'
Orissa chief minister says his government's dependence on BJP support will not deter him from taking action against the Bajrang Dal and VHP.
Orissa chief minister Naveen Patnaik says his government's dependence on BJP support will not deter him from taking action against the Bajrang Dal and VHP. Excerpts from an interview: Why is the sanctioned strength of the police in Kandhamal just 500? The police strength in Orissa is being increased overall. But it takes time to recruit and train policemen. How would you describe the Bajrang Dal that spearheaded the anti-Christian violence? The Bajrang Dal is a fundamentalist organisation. Of the 1,000 people arrested, many belong to the Dal and VHP. Stringent action will be taken against those who indulge in communal violence, regardless of affiliation. Was the delay in action because you run a coalition government with the BJP.... I am not under any pressure from the BJP. Orissa's law regulating conversion has never been operationalised, allowing the Sangh to make wild claims about conversions; on the other hand, forced reconversions to Hinduism are taking place. Forced conversion or reconversion are equally wrong. What about the long-standing disputes in Kandhamal over illegal occupation of tribal land and over government jobs being secured with false caste certificates.... We are working on two fronts in Kandhamal, restoring the rule of law as well as looking at land disputes and false caste certificates. For the second, I have appointed a special administrator, a senior IAS officer. Parliament and state elections are due soon in Orissa. Much of your current problem is because the BJP is your coalition partner. Will you continue the partnership on the same terms? Delimitation of constituencies means certain changes in seat allocation will be required. We have been coalition partners for 10 years. When Mr Vajpayee became PM, we joined his government on the basis of a national agenda for governance, a secular document. |
magazine | Oct 27, 2008 Forcing The Issue
In Karnataka, the Sangh's busy drumming up evidence
A month after the attacks on Christian prayer halls and churches in Karnataka, an uneasy quiet prevails at the epicentre, Mangalore. The Sangh parivar, with tacit support from the government, now seems to be concentrating its energies on proving that forced conversions are indeed taking place, say members of the New Life evangelical order and human rights activists. This "drumming up of records and legitimising a lie", rights activists G. Rajashekar and K. Phaniraj indicate, became obvious when members of the Sangh parivar made organised presentations before a non-government fact-finding committee headed by retired police officer Y.R. Patil. Although home minister V.S. Acharya had during the attacks told Outlook that the police had registered no cases of forced conversions in Mangalore in the last few years, Sangh activists "suddenly" produced copies of FIRs. "It looks like an orchestrated effort to bring in an Anti-Conversion Bill," says Rajashekar. "It was astonishing that a non-government panel was holding its sittings in the circuit houses and the deliberations were dominated by Sangh parivar men. Some Christian priests who participated in these sittings in Mangalore were shouted down," says Phaniraj. "We would like to know who booked these circuit houses. We also wonder how a non-government committee can advertise asking people to depose before it." George Verghese, a prominent member of the New Life order in Udupi, maintains his evangelical order has never been into forced conversions. "When we meet people in a sinful or a difficult environment," he says, "we only share our personal testimony with them. We don't distribute pamphlets. We don't preach against any religion. People who come into New Life don't change their religion, only their heart. We don't offer any inducements. There are nearly 25 pentecostal churches in the region; if money is being offered, then people would have moved from one church to another collecting money." In fact, pentecostal churches in the region not only face violence from fundamentalist Hindus but are treated indifferently even by the mainstream Catholic churches. "The attacks on pentecostal prayer halls have been happening since 1997 (Surathkal) but the Catholics haven't reacted," says Phaniraj. They seem to be condemned to eternal damnation. |
magazine | Oct 27, 2008 Yours, Faithfully
When change of religion was all about a deeply personal choice
If one goes by popular perception, it’s only people belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes who are lured by Christianity. The notion is that they give up their religion to break free from the Hindu caste system and nurture the hope that a better life awaits them after they convert. But it’s not just the oppressed classes who are drawn to Jesus. Highly educated and well-placed upper-caste Hindus and Muslims have also risked censure from their immediate family and community to take the crucial plunge. They all have their own reasons for giving up one religion for another. As Jesuit sociologist Rudolf C. Heredia puts it in his book, Changing Gods, Rethinking Conversion in India: "Conversion is a question of personal choice, it involves a rejection, a change or an adaptation of one’s identity. A complex set of motivations are involved. The change is the result of a personal quest, which may be more than a religious or spiritual one. Positively, this is experienced as a liberation; negatively, it could be an escape." So what is it like to switch from one god to another? Outlook spoke to some unlikely converts:
Syed Ainul Hadeed, 38 Filmmaker
 | | Syed Hadeed is touched by the Word |
"I was born in a rich Muslim family of Pune. My parents belonged to families with a rich religious heritage. When I was barely four, my parents separated. My mother and I moved in with my aunt in Hyderabad. From an early age I was taught Islamic traditions and I also learnt to read the Quran in Arabic. However, I went to schools run by the Jesuits and did well both in studies and sports. My mother and I shifted to Mumbai when I was in the sixth standard.
"It was during this period that I began carefully studying the Quran. However, I found I could not digest the teachings. Yet I did not stop believing in God's existence. This was in the late 1980s. My teenage years and early adult life were difficult—failed relationships, financial hardships and my father's death made me morose. At one point I even decided to end my life by consuming mercury. Luckily, I survived.
"It was all very strange. On the one hand I was attempting suicide, but at another level, I had an out-of-body experience. I felt my spirit drift to my old school—to the feet of Jesus Christ. I could feel his presence. After a year, I visited the school and saw the following words engraved on the pedestal on which a statue of Jesus stands to this day: 'I am the resurrection and the Life.' I believe the Holy Spirit had led me to Christ. Today, I am serving the Lord through the gifts that he has endowed me with.
"Naturally, some Muslim friends did not approve of my giving up Islam. The clerics questioned my change of faith. However, this only strengthened my resolve to study the Bible, the Quran, and the Hadiths. Finally, I realised that Christianity was my true calling."
Rajeev Menon, 42 CEO, N-Able Solutions
"Information technology companies require a strong process, otherwise there will be a delivery failure. There are proven processes of development and it is for the company to adapt them and standardise them.
"This also holds true in life. I was in my twenties and my life was a total mess.I had no peace of mind. I was going through a personal crisis. It was then that somebody gave me a book on Jesus. It slowly transformed me. My parents saw the change in me but allowed me to choose my faith. I go for prayer meetings regularly and I have renounced all forms of idol worship."
Salma Ali, 33 Advertising and Public Relations consultant
"My mother was a Catholic who converted to Islam when she married my father. We performed namaaz regularly. But my faith was shattered when I came across a verse in the Quran that prescribed corporal punishment for stubborn women. I was shocked. I asked my father, who told me that it was like chiding a child for not listening to elders.
"After my parents separated, I moved in with my mother, who had become extremely short-tempered and abusive. At the same time, she started attending church. I used to attend the congregations she went to, at which people danced and sang, something unheard of in Islam. It was then that I started reading the Bible. I found Christianity a far more liberating religion. My life became stable, and I started doing well in my studies. I have been praying every day ever since."
Jaya Ramamurthy, 42 V-P (learning & development) with a business process outsourcing firm
 | | Jaya Ramamurthy says god speaks to her |
"Born into a Tamil Brahmin family, I was brought up in an orthodox religious environment. We worshipped numerous gods and observed various rituals. Every Thursday, we also prayed to Sai Baba. At least 150 devotees would turn up at our house for the prayer sessions. Frankly, I could not make any sense of the rituals and yearned for a relationship with a god I could talk to, a god who would listen to me when I spoke to him.
"It was around this time that I was afflicted with scabies. I decided to go for a blind date with Jesus in the hope that I would be cured. To my surprise I was rid of my ailment. Years later, at 27, I decided to read the Bible. My mother threw it out of the window. But I did not give up and discovered a god I could talk to. Ever since, I have become far more friendly, and the love of god has changed my life. Today, when I speak, God speaks to me. My relationship with the Almighty has changed my perspective. I have become more respectful towards others."
Prabhu Guptara, 58 Executive Director (organisational development), with Wolfsberg, a UBS subsidiary
"I was 14 when I lost my father and our family lost everything in the process. From prosperity to penury—it was difficult to comprehend at that age. I could not understand how there could be so much suffering if god actually existed. How could he allow people to get away with evil acts? A chance encounter with a young man turned me to Jesus. I read the New Testament carefully and realised that evil is the consequence of man not loving god. Jesus presents a challenge to every individual, asking him to acknowledge his own inadequacies. Over the years, I have found myself moving away from being a selfish person to being more sensitive (to the needs of others)." |
magazine | Oct 27, 2008 Figuratively Speaking
Percentage growth in population between 1991 and 2001 as per Census

Figuratively Speaking Percentage growth in population between 1991 and 2001 as per Census These statistics, giving the percentage growth of population groups, describe a wide variety of situations on the ground. Juxtaposing these figures with the actual population base of these groups—and their proportion vis-a-vis the total—helps clarify this. For instance, in Arunachal Pradesh, the 130.9% increase in Christian population accounts for an increase from 89,013 in 1991 to 2.05 lakh in 2001 (as the overall population rose from 8.64 lakh to 10.97 lakh). But in Himachal Pradesh, the 73.3% increase describes a growth from 4,435 to 7,687 (in a total population that went from 51 lakh to 60 lakh).
| | Hindu | Christians | Overall |
| | Andhra Pradesh | 14.4 | -2.8 | 14.5 | | Arunachal Pradesh | 18.7 | 130.9 | 26.9 | | Assam | 14.9 | 32.5 | 18.9 | | Bihar* | 23.0 | 35.9 | 27.2 | | Delhi | 44.1 | 56.7 | 47.0 | | Goa | 17.2 | 3.0 | 15.2 | | Gujarat | 22.1 | 56.3 | 22.6 | | Haryana | 27.0 | 73.2 | 28.4 | | Himachal Pradesh | 17.0 | 73.3 | 17.5 | | Karnataka | 15.3 | 17.4 | 17.5 | | Kerala | 7.3 | 7.8 | 9.4 | | Madhya Pradesh* | 21.7 | 33.9 | 22.6 | | Maharashtra | 21.6 | 19.6 | 22.7 | | Manipur | -5.9 | 17.7 | 17.9 | | Meghalaya | 18.3 | 42.1 | 30.6 | | Mizoram | -9.3 | 30.7 | 28.8 | | Nagaland | 25.1 | 69.2 | 64.5 | | Orissa | 15.9 | 34.8 | 16.2 | | Punjab | 28.7 | 30.0 | 20.1 | | Rajasthan | 27.9 | 51.4 | 28.4 | | Sikkim | 18.6 | 169.3 | 33.0 | | Tamil Nadu | 11.0 | 19.0 | 11.7 | | Tripura | 14.9 | 120.5 | 16.0 | | Uttar Pradesh* | 24.2 | 20.1 | 25.5 | | West Bengal | 14.2 | 34.3 | 17.7 | | India | 20.3 | 22.6 | 22.6 |
| | * Population figures for states created after 1991 census have been added to the states they were part of. The 1991 census was not conducted in Jammu & Kashmir. |
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| To add a comment to "Reports on the Orissa Situation from Outlook India" |
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| October 19, 2008 |
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| Dear Joel,
Your blog is great and enlightening. |
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